james scott marxistBlog

james scott marxist

Marked up by Einde O’ Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL) . Well-written, except for areas where the author repeats himself or goes on some sort of rant on an slightly related topic. Scott spent nearly a year and a half in Southeast Asia observing a small village. To do so would be to admit that their policy is unpopular, and, above all, to expose the tenuousness of their authority in the countryside—neither of which the sovereign state finds in its interest.19 The nature of the acts themselves and the self-interested muteness of the antagonists thus conspire to create a kind of complicitous silence that all but expunges everyday forms of resistance from the historical record.”“which the sovereign state finds in its interest.19 The nature of the acts themselves” Think this is hyperbole? The lesson from this book can be applied in any modern organization. There are also what he calls the hidden transcript, which he goes on to identify as the “privileged site for non-hegemonic, contrapuntal, dissident, and subversive discourse.” Once these social facts are recognized (public hegemonic display coupled with only apparent public consent) we can also see important consequences for the analysis of power relations.Reliance on the so-called public record alone provides a stream of evidence that tends to support thick hegemonic accounts of conforming behavior. Instead, as I indicated, my interest was to look at the two political tendencies as resting upon different underlying interpretations of Antonio Gramsci’s account of civil society and the functioning of hegemony. James C. Scott's "Weapons of the Weak" is a seminal social scientific study that focuses on "everyday forms of resistance" of peasants. As David Forgacs has written, under this post-Marxist scrutiny, civil society becomes “the political terrain on which the dominant class organizes its hegemony, and the terrain on which opposition parties and movements organize, win allies, and build their social power.”“The concept of hegemony arose,” they wrote, “to fill a hiatus that had opened in the chain of historical necessity.

Arguing correctly that revolutions are very rare, and successful revolutions are almost non-existent, he argues that (progressive) scholars should show more interest and understanding for the less glamorous but more common everyday forms of resistance, such as gossip, theft, and sabotage. Instead, the focus here has been more about the nature of the civil society (and the social solidarity that can generally be found there) as a potential touchstone for how to think about center-left coalition building after the apparent end of “liberal post-politics.” After recognizing the urgent need to “return to politics” one also quickly realizes that there are a number of competing ideas circulating about how we should understand political action today.
0 Reviews. Despite it being written in the first 10 years of a 'Green Revolution' in northern Malaysia (1964-80, or so) about peasants, it has a strong salience to understandings of current undercurrent behaviour and their expression in protest movements and people seeking to have their voice heard. Just a moment while we sign you in to your Goodreads account.

And using this same method, Martin Luther was among the first to politicize the… This question is nothing less than the question of what it would take The total set of these reflections on power and politics got me thinking more deeply about the nature of civil society per se, and especially in relation to the prospects for counter-hegemony. Subordinates, Scott writes, “have a vested interest in avoiding any explicit displays of insubordination while maintaining a practical interest in resistance.


Key to the argument is the movement from a traditional agrarian system to one dominated by double-cropping, the use of machines, and the increased mechanization of agriculture. Along with this record of hegemonic public conduct, however, Scott says, we can also discern (in various kinds of artifacts) what he calls the hidden transcript, which is “a backstage discourse consisting of what cannot be spoken in the face of power.” We are in danger of making a serious mistake, Scott writes, “whenever we infer anything at all about the beliefs or attitudes of anyone solely on the basis that he or she has engaged in an apparently deferential act.” So while the powerful are interested in regular symbolic demonstrations of power, in order to maintain dominance, and subordinates, for their part, have some pretty good (highly pragmatic) reasons to help sustain those appearances, or at least to avoid publicly contradicting them, what Scott calls the “self-dramatization of domination” may actually exert more rhetorical force among the leading actors themselves than among the far more numerous bit players.Scott’s particular version of “thick and thin” is laser focused on the plausibility of different intonations of false consciousness.Also, because subordinate groups tend to have a fairly extensive “offstage social existence” in contexts of large-scale structures of domination, this means that they also have the opportunity to develop shared critiques of power.

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